Before understanding the terms and background of the negotiations between the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), one has to understand the structure and structure of the TTP.
In fact, the TTP is not a cohesive ideological or revolutionary organization, but a platform for various militant groups and factions. Different groups became part of it for their own reasons. Some wanted to avoid government operations, some wanted to take refuge in the tribal areas (Waziristan agencies, Bajaur, etc.), some needed tribal areas to carry suicide attacks for their operations, while some groups did not have safe haven for themselves. Due to being part of the TTP to benefit from their convenience and local destinations.
Some groups joined the TTP after the Lal Masjid operation. Some were outraged by General Musharraf’s crackdown on Kashmiri jihadi organizations. Some believed that the Pakistani state had become an instrument of American imperialism. Some people thought that the TTP was in fact the Pakistani branch of the Afghan Taliban and because they were fans of the Afghan Taliban, they joined the TTP.
Read more: Untold story of govt, TTP negotiations – I
A splinter group of Kashmiri jihadi organizations that split from Harakat-ul-Jihad al-Islami mainly because its well-known commander, Ilyas Kashmiri, had joined hands with al-Qaeda and the TTP. These people have been referred to as Punjabi Taliban. Some members of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi who had been working with banned jihadi organizations and al-Qaeda on a special level also joined the TTP because they had no other choice. Qari Zafar and Mati-ur-Rehman and others were highlighted after the operation in Swat, Mullah Fazlullah’s group joined the TTP and took refuge in the tribal areas, from where Swati commanders Muslim Khan and Mahmood Khan were arrested during the operation.
At the local level, the Mehsud tribal fighters were organized under the leadership of Baitullah Mehsud. The TTP’s hardcore consisted of the same local tribal youth fighters and they provided the bulk of the suicide bombers. Qari Hussain was at the forefront in that regard. South Waziristan was their stronghold. Baitullah Mehsud and later Hakimullah Mehsud were their leaders, they also had the leadership of TTP. Later, when Mullah Fazlullah became the leader, Mehsud fighters split into Sajna group and Shehryar Mehsud group. Among the close associates of Baitullah Mehsud was Maulvi Faqir Muhammad. He is from Bajaur. Maulvi Faqir Mohammad was arrested in Afghanistan and kept in Bagram prison for many years. When the Taliban conquered Kabul, he was released along with the prisoners.
It is said that Maulvi Faqir Muhammad is also involved in the recent negotiation process. In North Waziristan, Mullah Nazir’s group of tribals while Hafiz Gul Bahadur had his own faction. The two main factions were not with the TTP, but focused on going to Afghanistan to help the Afghan Taliban. The forces had made informal agreements with them, according to which they did not attack government institutions and workers. Good Taliban means these two groups. However, in the last phase of the war on terror, when the operation took place in North Waziristan, the forces asked every group to leave and both the groups clashed with the government and Mullah Nazir got killed in a drone attack and after then both the groups continued fighting with the forces along with the TTP.
Similarly, different groups were formed in different tribal areas. In Mohmand, Omar Khalid Khorasani’s group gained power. It remained in the TTP, later splitting over organizational differences to form the Jamaat-ul-Ahrar. Tariq Gader formed a group near Peshawar. Mangal Bagh formed his faction in Khyber Agency. At the same time, the government made an agreement at the local level, then the fighting continued.
At present the situation is not the same as before, the number has also decreased a lot, but even today there are different factions, different forces within the TTP. A group consisting of local tribal fighters (Sajna group, Shahriar group, Gandapur group, Tariq group), Bajaur group, remnants of Fazlullah’s Swat group, Mohmand Agency group, Punjabi Taliban consisting of splinter groups of banned jihadi organizations and banned remaining fighters of sectarian organizations and so on.
That is why the demands of the TTP are threefold. Their real interest is to bring the tribal areas back to their former position so that they can work freely there and consolidate their strength. The second important slogan is the implementation of Sharia, on which the Swat group and other militant factions will immediately agree.
The third major demand is for compensation for loss of life and property, including the release of prisoners.
At the beginning of the talks, strange demands were made, such as allowing the TTP to open a political office in a third country in the style of the Afghan Taliban. The third demand was the implementation of Shariah in these areas and the establishment of local level courts of justice. All three demands of the TTP were immediately rejected. The government made it clear that Pakistan is an Islamic country with an Islamic constitution, so it is not possible to accept this.
After various rounds of talks, some points have come up from both sides. The government has three conditions. Fighters are asked to surrender by dropping their weapons, accept state writs, become part of the national system by making identity cards, etc. and apologize to the nation for their armed actions in the past. Then the cases against them will be returned, where necessary, compensation will be given and so on.
Negotiations are underway, a ceasefire is in place until December 9, and there is a strong possibility of an extension. While there is a risk of an operation by a small group to sabotage the peace process, powerful mediators in the case of the Afghan Taliban are keeping an eye on it.
The key question is whether these negotiations will succeed. What are the barriers? What could be the map of the future? This will be discussed in the next chapter, God willing.
