Once again, someone suddenly realized that the Prime Minister also has some respect. It is no secret that Benazir Bhutto’s first premiership was the result of a deal. A deal in which even the finance minister and foreign minister of General Zia’s tenure were accepted.
Sexism may be as institutionalised in Pakistani politics as it is in our society. The one who started it all was Sheikh Rashid Ahmed. In those days, Sheikh Rashid used to be Nawaz Sharif’s tiger. He used to pass derogatory remarks to his female peers, including Benazir Bhutto.
One day Benazir Bhutto wore a yellow suit to the Parliament. She was on her way out just as Sheikh Rashid rose in his seat, and he protested her exit during his speech by calling her “Yellow Cab”. Nawaz Sharif himself was then the Chief Minister of Punjab, so he was not in the National Assembly, but the continuation of what was happening there was enough to prove that Nawaz himself was behind this strategy.
Later, Mohtarma Benazir was dismissed and Nawaz Sharif was sworn in as Prime Minister. This was the first time Sharif was “selected” for the premiership. Now Benazir Bhutto was in opposition. She would not use any vulgar words for Nawaz Sharif herself and would not allow any other party member to do so.
However, she always termed Nawaz Sharif’s premiership a result of rigging. Benazir used to say that after General Zia’s tenure, the democratic era came to the country only twice. If Benazir did not recognized Nawaz Sharif’s tenure as democratic era, then why she remained a part of the Assembly at that times?
In the last days of his first term, even Nawaz Sharif suddenly realized that the office of Prime Minister has some respect. After that, Sharif raised his voice against those who were responsible for selecting him for the premiership. So the result that came was the same that happens every time.
The politics in the ’90s was of constant confrontation. On the one hand, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif did not miss any opportunity to disrespect each other, on the other hand, the tussle with the establishment of both the leaders continued. Both had won the second term with the promise that “the future will not go wrong”, but in the last days of their second term, both of them suddenly realized that the post of Prime Minister has some respect.
And the same thing happened once again, both the governments were again dismissed. And both times, it was easy for the Establishment to do so because it knew that the opposition would acknowledge the move. What is the Establishment afraid of when the ruling party becomes a target of the Establishment and the entire opposition distributes sweets to it? In such an environment, the establishment is obliged to express gratitude to these so-called democracies.
Nawaz Sharif’s second term ended in October 1999. But it took almost seven years for Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif to come to the conclusion that they both were meeting the needs of the establishment. They said instead of strengthening democracy, we have strengthened the hands of the Establishment in the cycle of weakening each other.
In order to strengthen the democracy, both the leaders decided to sign Charter of Democracy, but by then it was too late. They both decided to support each other for the sake of democracy but, unfortunately, one died. Thus, the determination of the two major parties to use their collective power in the interest of democracy was irreparably damaged.
The horrific outcome of her departure from the scene was evident from the fact that even her martyrdom could not provide a strong mandate to the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) for a third term. The attachment of the people of Punjab in particular to Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto could not be transferred to Asif Ali Zardari.
For the first time in PPP’s government, two Punjabi prime ministers were part of the regime, but even this could not make up for the loss in Punjab. During this period, Yousuf Raza Gilani got two tough times from Nawaz Sharif. And both times Nawaz Sharif became part of the Establishment’s game. One was the Judiciary Restoration Movement and the other was the Memogate scandal.
However, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) at that time said they did not try to overthrow the PPP government by following the Charter of Democracy. Indeed its true and the PPP government completed its tenure, but the PML-N did support the establishment.
It eliminated the realization that the Charter of Democracy could affect the health of the establishment. Not only that, but when the PML-N came to power, they allowed the PPP provincial government in Sindh to become the target of the establishment quietly, even as his own interior ministry continued to advance the establishment’s agenda.
What the Sindh Rangers did during this period is not a very old thing. But when the same establishment turned to Nawaz Sharif himself, emotions suddenly changed. Suddenly he remembered that it was playing with democracy. As long as this drama was played only in Sindh, everything was fine.
When the establishment came to Nawaz’s target, he remembered the spirit of democracy. So the result was the same as what could have come out of supporting the establishment. The same hands of the Establishment which were strengthened three times even after the martyrdom of Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto became the means of ending the third term.
It is unfortunate that nothing has been learned even after the Panama scandal. Now another selected Prime Minister, in his third year in power, has suddenly remembered that even if the office of the Prime Minister has any respect, and started supporting Establishment while wearing Khaki clothes.
Meanwhile, Maryam Nawaz has a whole brigade on social media. Nowadays, that brigade is also playing by the side and claiming that Khan’s government can no longer survive. Social media keep telling us that Punjab has woken up for the first time and now the vote will be honored.
However some so-called political analysts are claiming that the possibility of the PTI government leaving is not the result of Punjab waking up but of Khan waking up. Shouldn’t their position on this occasion have been that the role of the Establishment will not be accepted even in the overthrow of the Imran government?
